Nonfiction 3

Crisis and Consensus in British Politics: From Bagehot to by M. Williams

By M. Williams

Difficulty and Consensus in British Politics specializes in the cave in of the post-war consensus within the mid Seventies predicament and the emergence of a brand new consensus within the Nineteen Nineties. It follows this procedure via six key coverage components together with civil carrier reform, privatisation, macro-economic administration and family with Europe. it's designed for college students following classes in sleek heritage, politics and public coverage in addition to normal readers with an curiosity in present affairs.

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The more the party appealed to working-class interests, as over the 36 Crisis and Consensus in British Politics People’s Budget and social reform, the more it antagonised middle-class supporters and the more it aroused expectations among the working class which the Labour Party, with its links to expanding trade unions (with 4 million members in 1914, rising to 8 million in 1920 – Hobsbawm, 1969: Table 51), was better placed to exploit. Lloyd George could have retained office in the face of the growing polarisation of British politics in the early twentieth century only by putting himself at the head of a ‘Progressive’ party containing both Liberal and Labour MPs.

Phase 2: Conservative dominance 1886–1905 The Liberal division over Home Rule for Ireland allowed the Conservatives to hold power for all but 3 of the next 19 years (1886–92, 1895–1905). The Conservatives developed two main strategies for winning and using power. The first, developed by Benjamin Disraeli (leader 1868–81) and continued by Lord Salisbury (leader 1881–1902) was to establish the Conservatives as the ‘national party’. Disraeli was primarily responsible for creating the ‘one nation’ strand of Conservatism.

It also increased the role of the state: public expenditure rose to over 80 per cent of national income (Hicks, 1954: 11). Third, total war generated social pressure for equality of sacrifice: ‘The moral code of a society at war demanded that no-one should benefit unduly from a collective effort in which men were getting killed’ (Addison, 1994: 131). The Second World War bore much more heavily on civilians than the First World War had done: more civilians than fighting men died in first three years of war (Titmuss, 1958: 82).

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