By James W. Scott
Bringing jointly comparative case reviews from crucial Europe and South the US, this e-book makes a speciality of 'new' areas - areas created as political tasks of modernization and 're-scaling'. via this process it de-codes 'New Regionalism' by way of its contributions to institutional switch, whereas acknowledging its contested nature and contradictions. It questions even if those areas are basically a method of neo-liberal adjustment to altering political and monetary stipulations, or whether or not they are indicative of precise reform, larger citizen participation and empowerment. It assesses no matter if those areas are quite representing whatever new or whether or not they are a reconfiguration of conventional energy relationships. It offers a well timed severe research of 'region-building' and the level to which nationwide methods of decentralization and sub-national strategies of regionalism can increase the effectiveness and responsiveness of governance.
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Extra resources for De-coding New Regionalism (Urban and Regional Planning and Development)
Whilst often based upon historical and cultural traditions, other regionalizing policies have been adopted by states as a means of rationalizing administration, managing internal change and satisfying EU demands. As a result, the participation of regions within national and European policy-making processes is dependent on their status within national contexts; Spanish regions, the Comunidades Autónomas, might have considerably more powers than Régions in France but lack the basic and constitutionally defined codecision making powers of German Länder.
However, this focus on political economy tends to reify economic networks as constitutive of social space; it thus favours cognitive ‘re-containerizations’ of regions rather than understandings of regional specificities. New Regionalism is also a governance paradigm, both in highly normative and in empirical terms. The normativity of this perspective emanates from an assumption that regions represent an inherent territorial framework for democratic governance, good public management and effective development policies (Courchene 2001, Sharpe 1993).
However, this has generally occurred at the expense of the traditional ‘meso’ levels such as counties, provinces, etc. The end result of decentralization has been ‘strong’ but chronically under-funded municipal governments, weakened intermediate levels in many cases, and new regions in a state of flux, subject to the vicissitudes of national politics. The Hungarian parliament, for example, established principles in 1998 of a decentralized system of institutions and of co-operation based on partnership.