By Peter Auer (Editor)
This quantity offers an interactional point of view on linguistic variability that takes into consideration the development of social identities in the course of the formation of social communicative kinds. It indicates that type is an invaluable type in bridging the space among unmarried parameter version and social identification. Social positioning, i.e., discovering one's position in society, is one in all its motivating forces. a variety of features of the expression of stylistic positive factors are desirous about, from language selection and linguistic version in a slender experience to practices of social categorization, pragmatics styles, personal tastes for particular communicative genres, rhetorical practices together with prosodic good points, and aesthetic offerings and personal tastes for particular varieties of style (looks, outfits, song, etc.). those a number of positive aspects of expression are attached to multimodal stylistic indices via speak; therefore, types emerge from discourse. types are tailored to altering contexts, and boost during social strategies. The analytical standpoint selected proposes an alternative choice to present ways to variability below the impression of the so-called variationist paradigm.
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Additional resources for Style and Social Identities: Alternative Approaches to Linguistic Heterogeneity (LPSP 18) (Language, Power and Social Process)
In terms of linguistic surface features, this is not an accurate characterization of recent immigrant speech, in that recent immigrant teenagers speak more Spanish than English and speak English with distinct Spanish phonology. However, in American English, the slow tempo, monotone pronunciation, and slack face contribute to the impression of a slow-witted person. The overall accuracy of the mocking voice is less important than highlighting some features of the other’s speech that are seen as emblematic of the targeted identities.
Addressing this student – with whom he otherwise speaks English – in Spanish serves to bolster his argument that he is Dominican rather than Haitian. In the second sequence, two female friends code switch into Spanish to negotiate a common understanding of the term hick, a term they apply to a category of more recent, male immigrant against which they define themselves. In the final section, I illustrate how two Dominican American teenagers alternate between Spanish and several varieties of English to differentiate themselves along a variety of dimensions from a fellow, more-recently-arrived immigrant teenager.
Claudia may also have an understanding of identity that privileges birthplace in assigning identity. After Wilson other-corrects her candidate understanding that he is Haitian, she proffers a candidate understanding of his birthplace – the Dominican Republic – that Wilson confirms. The language choices in the first six turns here can be explained most simply in terms of language fluency. Wilson thus addresses Eduardo in Spanish and Claudia in English, but his subsequent use of Spanish for two turns (En Santo Domingo and E(s) mentira, ven aca…) to Claudia violates this pattern.