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The Romance Languages by W. D. Elcock

By W. D. Elcock

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The evidence from Seediq and Malagasy for the islandhood of VP is automatically explained if VPs in these languages must raise to the specifier of TP. But the evidence from word order patterns and specificity effects in Chamorro seems far less amenable to a VP raising account. These initial indications of diversity could be pursued in two ways. One could take them to reveal that the VP raising account of verb-initial order is indeed possible, but by no means necessary; in other words, the ‘much stronger claim’ identified in the introduction is not tenable.

Miyagawa’s key insight is that in Japanese, any DP – subject or nonsubject – can raise to check T’s EPP feature. When the subject raises, the result is an SOV clause in which the subject must have wide scope with respect to negation. But when the object raises (via a movement characterized as A-scrambling in other work), the result is an OSV clause in which the subject remains in situ, within vP, where it is possible for it to have narrow scope. , Keenan 1976a) are not, after all, inherent attributes of these DPs.

Although M¯aori does have topics, most of which are also subjects, these topics have a morphosyntax that distinguishes them from the subjects shown in (23): they do not surface to the right of the verb, but rather at the left edge of the clause, preceded by the particle ko (see Bauer 1997: 654–659). Consider (25) Ko te nuinga ia i mea. ” M¯aori (Bauer 1997: 655) The contrast between the subjects in (23) and the topic in (25) suggests that in the end, the pattern in (23–24) might simply have to be acknowledged as characteristic of subjects that are external arguments.

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