By Stephanie Durrleman-Tame
This booklet bargains an in-depth examine of the general syntax of (basilectal) Jamaican Creole, the 1st in view that Bailey (1966). the writer, a Jamaican linguist, meticulously examines distributional and interpretative houses of sensible morphology in Jamaican Creole (JC) from a cartographic standpoint (Cinque 1999, 2002; Rizzi 1997, 2004), therefore exploring to what volume the grammar of JC presents morphological manifestations of an articulate IP, CP and DP. the information thought of during this paintings deals new facts in favour of those enriched structural analyses, and the cases the place floor orders vary from the underlying useful skeleton are accounted for when it comes to circulation operations. This research of Jamaican syntax as a result permits us to finish that the 'poor' inflectional morphology ordinary of Creole languages normally and of (basilectal) Jamaican Creole specifically doesn't correlate with negative structural structure. certainly the unfastened morphemes mentioned, in addition to the notice order concerns that point out syntactic stream to unique projections, function arguments in favour of a wealthy underlying practical map.
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Additional resources for The Syntax of Jamaican Creole: A Cartographic Perspective (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)
Therefore the [+/–stative] nature of a verb plays an important role in the temporal specifications assigned to this verb. On the one hand, the default time specification for non-stative verbs is past, so that when ehn/did combine with [–stative] verbs the result is an anterior past interpretation. On the other hand, the default time specification for stative verbs is present, so the insertion of the pre-verbal markers ehn/did are necessary in order to obtain a past interpretation for [+stative] verbs.
Im nyam i’ a (72) a. b. ” *Im a nyam i’ (g)o If movement of [–stative] VPs in JC cannot go as high as the specifiers of aspectual particles such as jos, a and (g)o, yet the specifier of the particle don [+completive] may host the [–stative] VP in JC, then it can be reasonably hypothesised that the projection of don [+completive] be situated quite low in the structure: lower than the aspectual markers considered here. If this were not the case, then movement to the specifer of completive aspect would be excluded since it would violate Relativized Minimality through having to skip intermediate specifier positions.
Jan shuda a ehn ron *Jan ehn shuda a ron Bailey (1966) . See also Durrleman (2000, 2001). . 4, footnote 17). The syntax of Jamaican Creole: A cartographic perspective d. *Jan ehn a shuda ron e. *Jan a shuda ehn ron f. 1 Mod(al) 1 The examples in (24a–f) suggest that in JC the structural hierarchy of inflectional markers gives rise to certain modals, here shuda, dominating tense and aspect markers. ” Modal-associated a is not a marker encoding past time (such as perfective have in the Standard), contrary to what the translation for (26) may imply.